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1 



THE LOYALIST REFUGEES 
of NEW HAMPSHIRE 



By 

WILBUR H. SIEBERT, A. M, 

Professor of European History 



Published by 

The Ohio State University 
Columbus 

1916 



t'^^ 



<3 






Contents 

PAGE 

Number of Loyalists in New Hampshire 3 

Early flights from the Colony 3 

New Hampshire Refugees with Burgoyne and with the British 

at New York 5 

Portsmouth as a Tory Center 6 

Liberty granted Tories to depart 7 

Suspicion of the Quakers and proscription of the Tories 7 

Confiscation of Tory property ... 9 

Wentworth's Volunteers and the Associated Refugees 10 

The King's American Dragoons 11 

Migration of some of the New Hampshire Loyalists to 

Annapolis 13 

The King's American Dragoons on the St. John River 16 

Ex-Governor John Wentworth in Nova Scotia 17 

Amos Botsford and Associates at Digby 18 

Return of Refugees forbidden in New Hampshire 22 

Claremont Loyalists seek admission to Lower Canada, 1784 22 



DEC 18 1916 

2 

©CI.A448516 



The Loyalist Refugees of New Hampshire 



The best index of the relative number of LoyaHsts in New 
Hampshire in the early months of the Revolution appears in the 
figures obtained through the submission of the "association test" 
during the summer 1776, in response the resolution of the Conti- 
nental Congress of March 14 of the year named, recommending the ^ ' ^ 
disarming by the local authonties^onhe'several Colonies of all 
persons notoriously disaffected to the American cause, or who re- 
fused to associate for the defense of the country "against the hos- i-'/ '^ 9 
tile attempts of the British fleets and armies." Eighty-one hundred , y -7. 
and ninety-nine men signed the test, and seven hundred and seventy- 
three declined, or neglected, to affix their signatures. That is to 
say, o^er one-eleven_th^of those to whom the test was submitted 
failed to sign it. This fraction included about 200 Quakers_i)f 
Brentwood, Gilmantown, Kensington, Richmond, Rochester, and 
other towns, who withheld their names chiefly on account of their 
scruples. Some of these non-jurors were certainly not Tories, if we 
may accept the explanations offered by them to the selectmen of 
their respective towns. Thus, the Quakers, of Gilmantown found 
no difficulty in accepting the Declaration of Independence or paying 
their proportion in support of the United Colonies, but based their 
failure to sign the test solely on the ground of their religious prin- 
ciples. James Caruth, a Scotch inhabitant of Kingstown, declined 
to take up arms against either his native or his adopted country, 
but announced his readiness to pay his taxes; while others of his 
fellow-townsmen professed the fear of infringing their liberties by 
signing, although asserting friendliness to the American cause, and 
in a few instances demonstrating it by serving in the Continental 
army.^ 

Even allowing for these friendly non-jurors, however, we must 
not overlook the fact that some Tories had already fled from New 

'N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records from 1776 to 1783, VIII 
204-296; Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, N. H., 212-215. 



Hampshire, or were soon to do so. In June, 1775, bodies of armed 
men at Portsmouth pursued John Fenton, an expelled member of 
the House of Assembly, to the residence of Governor John Went- 
worth, and compelled him to surrender. He was then given a 
hearing by the Provincial Congress and incarcerated in the jail at 
Exeter, but was later allowed to escape and go to England. Wood- 
bury Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth who also served in the 
Provincial Congress, sailed for the mother country in October, 1775. 
In a rtiemorial to Lord North, dated February 7, 1777, he explains 
that he had left America after "using his influence for peace and 
good order," to the end of preserving his family, his life, and his 
property, and that he might "avoid all temptation to take sides 
with his disaffected countrymen." Meantime, Governor Wentworth 
and his family had retired to Fort William and Henry in Portsmouth 
Harbor for safety, whence they embarked on the King's ship Canso, 
August 24, 1775, being accompanied by Captain John Cochran, the 
commander of the now dismantled fort, and doubtless by other 
adherents of the royal cause. After landing at Boston the Went- 
worths remained with the British army, going to Halifax in March, 
1776, and at length to Philadelphia on their way to London. 
They arrived in the British metropolis, March 13, 1778. Other 
refugees from New Hampshire also sought protection within the 
lines at Boston, including Elijah Williams who with several others 
fled from Keene soon after the battle of Lexington, John Morrison 
who became attached to the commissary department of the King's 
forces after the battle of Bunker Hill, Colonel Edward Goldstone 
Lutwyche a member of the Provincial Congress until 1775, William 
Stark who received a colonel's commission in the royal army after 
being refused one in the New Hampshire contingent, George 
Meserve the collector of customs at Portsmouth, Samuel Hale, Jr., 
Gillan Butler, Joseph Stacy Hastings, and probably John Fisher the 
naval officer at Portsmouth and supposed to be identical with the 
person of the same name who was a brother-in-law of Governor 
Wentworth and was later to become, like Benjamin Thompson of 
Concord, a secretary in the Colonial Secretary's office in London. 
After making himself obnoxious by entertaining two British oflficers, 
Benjamin Thompson withdrew from Woburn, but on discovering 
that his presence there was not desired, hastened to Rhode Island 



and sailed for Boston in October, 1775. In tlie following January 
he sailed for England.' 

However, not all the refugees from New Hampshire went to 
England, or even to Boston. At least a few joined Burgoyne dur- 
ing the fall of 1777, including Levi Warner of Claremont, who tes- 
tifies that he served with the British during the entire war and 
was at St. Johns at the head of Lake Champlain in 1783, and Cap- 
tain Simon Baxter who was condemned to death by the Whigs, but 
on the day set for his execution escaped "with the rope around his 
neck and succeeded in reaching Burgoyne's army." At the peace 
he went to New Brunswick and was living at Norton, King's Coun- 
ty, when death finally overtook him in 1804. Joseph Stacey 
Hastings, a Harvard graduate of the class of 1762, sought safety 
at Halifax, although he ultimately returned to Boston where he 
kept a grocery store. No doubt. New York City and the neigh- 
boring islands became sooner or later during the Revolution the 
favorite asylums of the exiles from New Hampshire, as they were 
for most of those from the other Northern States. Indeed, some 
of them accompanied Howe's army from the Nova Scotian capital 
to Staten Island in the fall of 1776. Among these was Governor 
Wentworth himself, who spent more or less of his time at Flat- 
bush on Long Island, only a few miles from New York, until his 
departure for Philadelphia and London. In a letter to his sister 
written from this point, in January, 1777, the deposed Governor, 
referring to a group of his fellow refugees from Portsmouth who 
had returned with him to American soil, reports the good health 
of Messrs. Meserve, Hale, and Lutwyche, as also of Captain Coch- 
ran, Mr. Macdonough, and Mr. Wentworth, the three last being 
with him, as he specifically states. As we have already met most 
of these gentlemen it will suffice here to say that Thomas Mac- 
donough had been Governor Wentworth's secretary and that Ben- 
ning Wentworth was to return to Nova Scotia after the peace and 
to be honored with several high offices there (a membership in the 
Council, and the secretaryship and treasurship of the Province) 

'Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, 2d Series, 252, 253; Sabine, Am. Loy- 
alists, (1847) 680, 215; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont. Pt. I (1904) 831; 
Hutchinson's Diary and Letters, U, 192; Colls. Hist., and Miscel. and Monthly 
Lit. Jour., Ill, 44, 220; Colls. Top., Hist., and Biog., l, 55; Colls. N. H. Hist. 
Soc, II, 112; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 429; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 476, 464, 
433, 630, 341, 286; Lyford, Hist, of Concord, N. H., I, 252-254. 



during the years 1795 to 1797. The Governor refers in the same 
letter to Messrs. Boyd and Traill who were evidently also in exile 
the former being undoubtedly George Boyd who had been a mem- 
ber of the Council of New Hampshire, while the latter was with 
equal certainty Robert Traill, until recently comptroller of the 
customs at Portsmouth. Where these persons were at the time is 
left in doubt.i 

The early flights from New Hampshire and particularly from 
Portsmouth, which was the seat of the provincial government, 
must have been increased by the termination of royal authority 
there and also by the action of the Continental Congress, October 
6, 1775, in recommending to the various provincial assemblies and 
committees of safety the arrest of such persons as were regarded 
to be dangerous to the liberties of America. Gen. John Sullivan 
violently denounced "that infernal crew of Tories" at Portsmouth 
in a letter of October 29th to Washington, who replied November 
12th, with an order that all officers of the royal government who 
had manifested an unfriendly disposition be seized and dealt with 
according to the wishes of the Provincial Congress or Committee 
of Safety. The other Tory inhabitants of the town were specific- 
ally omitted from this order, although Washington declared that 
they would "meet with this or a worse fate" in the near future, if 
they failed to reform their conduct. When, in the middle of Nov- 
ember, the New Hampshire Congress took action in accordance 
with Washington's recommendation, it contented itself with desig- 
nating six persons only for removal to moderate distances from 
Portsmouth, or for confinement in specified towns. The fact that 
the penalties imposed were not of a severer nature, or the number of 
those condemned larger may be fairly taken as another indication 
that the more objectionable officials had already fled. However, 
the six victims were let off easily, for they were kept under re- 
straint less than six weeks.^ 

As yet New Hampshire had not adopted the policy of expel- 
ling its dangerous inhabitants. On the contrary, it was to become 
in the late autumn the custodian of considerable numbers of such 

'Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont.; (1904) Pt. II, 1020; Sabine, Am. Loyal- 
ists, 148, 149, 350; N. H. Prov. Papers, Documents, and Records, 1674-1776, 
VII, 394; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 453, 680, 171, 651. 

-N. H. Provincial Papers, Documents, and Records, (1764-1776), VII, 623, 
662, 695. 

6 



persons from New York, sent over by the Committee of Conspira- 
cies of that State. One group of these prisoners, which was for- 
warded to Exeter in the latter part of October, or later, numbered 
117 persons; but in March, 1777, the New Hampshire Committee 
of Safety was notified by a new board of Commissioners, recently 
appointed by the New York Convention, that all of the latter's 
prisoners were to be recalled and given the choice between taking 
the oath of allegiance, or seeking the protection of the enemy. 
Meanwhile, New Hampshire sought to encourage the departure of 
her own Tories, for on January 16th her House of Representatives 
adopted a resolution granting full liberty to such of the inhabit- 
ants as were disaffected and desirous of leaving the State with 
their families and effects to do so within the next three months 
and, in the language of the resolution itself, "go to any other 
parts of the Globe they may choose," provided that they would no- 
tify the selectmen of their respective towns 30 days in advance of 
their departure.^ Again, we are confronted by the lack of evidence 
that would enable us to determine how many took advantage of 
the terms of this resolution. Doubtless, that evidence lies buried 
in numerous town records of the period, insofar as these have 
survived to the present day. On June 13, 1777, the House of Re- 
presentatives itself readily granted permission to John Pierce, of 
Portsmouth, who was then in prison, "to repair to the West Indies 
' or to Great Britain, and not to return to this State nor to any part 
of this Continent, without leave had and obtained of the General 
Assembly or of the Continental Congress."^ With equal readi- 
ness the New Hampshire Committee of Safety gave its consent on 
October 8 to a schooner that had recently arrived at Portsmouth 
under a flag of truce to transport the families of Benjamin Hart 
and other designated inhabitants to Rhode Island, an exception 
being made in the case of one person only, who was held as a 
prisoner of war. ^ 

A month later the House of Representatives showed conclu- 
sively that it entertained suspicions toward the non-juring Quakers 
of the State by appointing a committee from several counties to 

'Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, N. H., 204-296. 
-N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records from 1776 to 1783, VIII. 
379-383, 393, 394, 508, 468, 584. 
3Ibid., 702. 



examine the records and papers of the Friends' societies in Dover, 
Hampton Falls, Seabrook, and other towns with a view to trans- 
mitting to the House for further inspection any writings of a 
political nature that might be disclosed.^ But, after all, it was 
not the Quakers against whom the General Assembly directed its 
most determined action. This action was embodied in the measure 
adopted in November, 1778, to prevent the return of 76 persons 
named therein and of others who had left, or might leave, the State 
and had joined, or might join, the enemy. These persons were 
roundly denounced for deserting the cause of liberty and abetting 
that of tyranny by depriving the United States of their personal 
services at a time when their utmost assistance was needed; and 
since their return might be productive of new dangers the measure 
forbade their voluntary reappearance without leave, obtained in 
advance, by special act of the Assembly. It also made it the duty 
of the inhabitants of any district, as well as of the local officers, 
to apprehend and carry before a justice of the peace for commis- 
sion to the common jail any absentee who might presume to return. 
The person thus committed was to be kept in custody until he 
should be sent out of the State. A master of a vessel who know 
ingly brought into the State any of the persons above described, 
or a person who willingly harbored a return refugee, was to pay 
a fine of £500 on conviction, one-half to go to the State and the 
other to him who should sue for it. Fugitives who should return 
a second time were to suffer death. Of those named in the act 32 
had been residents of Portsmouth, 6 of Londonderry, 5 of Keene, 
4 of Dunbarton, 3 of Hollis, and a like number of Alstead, while 
a dozen or more other towns had contributed the remainder in 
smaller numbers.^ 

'N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records, (1776-1 783) VIII, 713. 

-By towns those proscribed were as foll'.'ws: from Portsmouth, John 
Wentworth, Esq., Peter Livius, Esq., John Fisher, Esq., Geo. Meserve, Esq., 
Robt. Traill, Esq., Geo. Boyd, Esq., John Fen tun, Esq., (Capt.) John Cochran, 
Esq., Samuel Hale, Esq., Edward Parry, Es ;., Thos. McDonough, Esq., Maj. 
Robt. Rogers, Andrew Pepperell Sparhawk, Esq., Patrick Burn, mariner, 
John Smith, mariner, Wm. Johnson Rysam, mariner, Stephen Little, physician, 
Thos. and Archibald Achincloss, Robt. Robinson, merchant, Hugh Henderson, 
merchant, Gillam Butler, merchant, Jas. and John McMasters, merchants, Jas. 
Bixby, yeoman, Wm. Pevey, mariner, Benj. Hart, rope-maker, Bartholomew 
Stavers, post-rider, Philip Bayley, trader, Samuel Holland, Esq., Benning 
Wentworth, gentleman, Jude Kermison, mariner; from Pembroke, Jonathan 
Dix, trader; from Exeter, Robt. Luist Fowler, printer; from Concord, Benj. 

8 



Before the end of November, 1778, the Assembly proceeded to 
confiscate the real and personal property of 23 of the proscribed, 
together with those of two other Loyalists whose names had not 
appeared in the act of proscription. These two persons seem to 
have been non-residents of the State. ^ In each county trustees, 
or agents, were appointed to take possession of the sequestered 
estates and sell the personal property immediately at public auc- 
tion, except such articles as they mi^ht deem necessary for the 
support of the families of the proscribed. In the case of the furni- 
ture and family pictures of Governor Wentworth, however, it was 
not the trustee but the Assembly itself that decided (April 27, 1780) 
that these personal effects should be delivered up to the father of 
the absent official, namely, Mark Hunting Wentworth. The need 
of clothing for the Continental army led the Assembly at the close 
of March, 1781, to direct the trustees of the confiscated estates 
to pay into the State Treasury at once the money accruing rfom 
sales thus far made. At the same time, the Treasurer was directed 
to appropriate this money to the payment of orders for military 
clothing which had been, or was yet to be issued by the Board of 
War. A few days later (that is, on April 4) a committee of the 

Thompson, Esq.; from Londonderry, Stephen Holland, Esq., Richard Holland, 
yeoman, John Davidson, yeoman, Jas. Fulton, yeoman, Thos. Smith, yeoman. 
Dennis O'Hala, yeoman; from New Market, Geo. Bell, trader, Jacob Brown, 
trader; from Merrimack, Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, Esq.; from Mollis, 
Samuel Cummings, Esq., Benj. Whiting, Esq., Thos. Cummings, yeoman; from 
Dunbarton. Wm. Stark, Esq., John Stark, yeoman, John Stinson, Jr., Samuel 
Stinson, Jeremiah Bowen, yeoman; from Amherst, Zaccheus Cutler, trader, 
John Holland, gentleman; from Neiv Ipswich, Daniel Farnsworth, yeoman; 
from Francestown, John Quigley, Esq.; from Peterborough, John Morrison, 
clerk; from Keene, Josiah Pompoy, physician, Elijah Williams, Esq., Thos. 
Cutler, gentleman, Eleazer Sawyer, yeoman, Robt. Gillmore, yeoman; from 
Packersfield, Breed Batchelder, gentleman; from Alstead, Simon and Wm. 
Baxter, yeomen; from Winchester, Solomon Willard, gentleman; from Rindge, 
Jesse Rice, physician; from Charlestown, Enos Stevens, gentleman, Phineas 
Stevens, physician, Solomon Stevens, yeoman, Levi Willard, gentleman; from 
Claremont, John Brooks, yeoman; and from Hinsdale. Josiah and Simon Jones, 
gentlemen. (N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records, 1776-1783, VIII, 
810-812; Belnap, Hist, of N. H., I, 380, 381.) 

^The names appearing in the act of confiscation (Nov. 28, 1778) are as 
follows: John Wentworth, Esq., Samuel Holland, Esq., Geo. Meserve, Esq., 
(Capt.) John Cochran, Esq., Thomas McDonough, Esq., Wm. Johnson Rysam, 
Jas. McMasters, John McMasters, Benning Wentworth, gentleman, Robt. 
Luist Fowle, Stephen Holland, gentleman, Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, Esq., 
John Stinson, Zaccheus Cutler, John Quigley, Esq., Daniel Farnsworth, Josiah 
Pomroy, Elijah Williams, Esq., Breed Batchelder, Enos Stevens, Simon Bax- 
ter, John Brooks, Crean Brush (of Cumberland County, N. Y.), Samuel Tar- 
bell, and Jas. Rogers. 

9 



Lower House, to which had been referred the question what should 
be done with such estates of absentees and subjects of Great Brit- 
ain as had not been confiscated hitherto, reported in favor of the 
immediate sequestration and sale of these properties, and this was 
probably done.^ 

The history of a considerable number of the New Hampshire 
Loyalists after their flight from the State may best be traced by 
examining the record of the corps of Volunteers associated by 
Governor Wentworth probably after his arrival on Long Island in 
the fall of 1776. The Governor himself testified in 1784 that his 
men were very respectable persons from their several Provinces 
who "supported themselves at their own expense." So far as 
known the first muster roll of this company was taken at Flush- 
ing, Long Island, October 16, 1777, when the officers were Cap- 
tain Daniel Murray of Rutland, Massachusetts, First Lieutenant 
Benjamin Whiting of Hollis, New Hampshire, and Second Lieu- 
tenant Elijah Williams of Keene, New Hampshire, and the number 
of men was scarcely more than 20. Six months later the com- 
pany was mustered at Hampstead, Long Island, and numbered but 
26. In the following month (June, 1778,) 21 of its members, in- 
cluding the officers named above, petitioned General Sir Henry 
Clinton from Bedford, Long Island, for such support as their serv- 
ice might require, because they had been deprived of their prop- 
erty and in a few cases of considerable fortunes. Eleven of these 
petitioners were from New Hampshire, 6 from Massachusetts, 3 
from Connecticut, and 1 from Rhode Island. Of 8 others who be- 
longed to the company at this time, or later, at least 5 were from 
New Hampshire. By the close of June, 1778, Wentworth's Vol- 
unteers had more than doubled in numbers, but during the next 
two months they shrunk to 26. We next hear of the company at 
Newport, Rhode Island, at the end of March, 1779, whence they 
operated with Captain Abraham DePeyster's Grenadier Company 
of the King's American Regiment, a detachment of Colonel George 
Wightman's Loyal New Englanders, and Captain Martin's 
corps, under the name of the Associated Refugees, in an unsuc- 
cessful expedition against New Bedford, Massachusetts, and im- 
mediately afterward in a bombardment of Falmouth, Maine. They 

IN. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records, (1776-1783) VIII, 813, 814, 
857, 893, 896. 

lO 



were back at Newport by April 6th. From this time on until 
Rhode Island was evacuated by the British in the fall the Associated 
Refugees were active in operations in Buzzards Bay, at Nantucket 
and Martha's Vineyard, and along the Connecticut coast, as re- 
lated at some length in the chapter on "The Refugee Loyalists of 
Connecticut." Having retrned to Long Island, Wentworth's Vol- 
unteers were mustered at Jerusalem near the end of May, 1780. 
and found to number 41 men. Seven months later they were at 
Lloyd's Neck with an equal strength, although it is said that they 
reached their maximum enrollment of 83 men at this time (De- 
cember, 1780.) The last muster was held in March, 1781. ^ 

Whatever the size of the company at the moment, Colonel 
Edward Winslow, who had been in command of the Associated 
Refugees during a part of their service in Rhode Island, together 
with Captain Murray and Major Joshua Upham, was now seeking 
to form a Loyalist brigade and trying to obtain Governor Went- 
worth's consent to command it. As a part of this plan Murray 
had proposed to General Clinton the raising of a troop of Dragoons, 
but was meeting with various difficulties, one of which was due 
to his failure to obtain a pass from headquarters to bring off cer- 
tain recruits with the result, according to Winslow's account, that 
"18 men who would have been doing duty as dragoons in the serv- 
ice" were captured and sent to the Simsbury mines in Connecticut, 
Winslow added that he was quite willing to wait until Murray's 
corps was completed and Upham's respectable in numbers, and 
that he had no reason to suppose that he would fail in securing 
an appointment as lieutenant colonel, although admitting himself 
unsuccessful in every attempt to secure recognition since Clinton's 
accession to the chief command in America. His failure thus far 
Colonel Winslow attributed to the "unpardonable inattention" with 
which General Timothy Ruggles, his first patron, had been treated 
by General Clinton and the disgust which Ruggles had therefore 
contracted for "present men and measures," in consequence of 
which "he could neither negotiate with confidence or serve with 
alacrity." However, a more cogent reason for Winslow's failure 
to achieve the military rank he coveted appears in the competing 
ambition of Benjamin Thompson who, through the favor of Lord 

'Second Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., Pt. I, (1904), 567; Muster Rolls of the 
Loyalist Battalions (at St. John, N. B.); Raymond, Winslow Papers, 20. 



George Germain, had secured in England an appointment as lieu- 
tenant colonel and was having a refugee corps known as the King's 
American Dragoons recruited for him at this very time. It was 
in this corps that Captain Murray, Lieutenant Williams and most 
of their men — many with commissions — were enrolled, together 
with Colonel Wightman's Loyal New Englanders, now numbering 
scarcely more than 50 men, and Major Joshua Upham's Volunteers 
of New England, who had attained a maximum strength of only 32 
men. Altogether these three companies furnished no more than 
125 recruits for the new regiment. The opportune arrival at New 
York of the Bonetta from Yorktown, Virginia, after the surrender 
of Cornwallis, brought in a remnant of the Queen's Rangers and 
Tarleton's British Legion, which is said to have been added to 
Colonel Thompson's corps. Be this as it may, the muster rolls 
show that the corps consisted of 228 men at the close of December, 
1781, when it was stationed at New Utrecht, Long Island. 

Meanwhile, in the previous autumn. Colonel Thompson had 
arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, and after a brief participa- 
tion in the British operations in that vicinity, sailed for New York 
in the following April to take command of his regiment. In the 
latter part of June he was getting ready "to recruit in good ear- 
nest," as he wrote a friend at the time, although he fails to men- 
tion in his letter the recent addition of 16 volunteers. About a 
month later (July 24, 1782) Rivington's Royal Gazette contained 
an advertisement offering 10 guineas to volunteers for the King's 
American Dragoons, or 5 guineas to any one who would bring in 
a recruit and 5 guineas to the recruit himself. It was announced 
also that an officer would remain on duty at Lloyd's Neck for the 
convenience of those who might cross from the mainland at that 
point. By the middle of September the corps was at Ireland 
Heights, three miles east of Flushing, and numbered 312 rank and 
file, but was marched to Huntington on October 1st, where it built 
a fort for the purpose of protecting the trade across the Sound in 
that region, according to an item in the Gazette, but which was 
probably intended chiefly as a winter shelter for the troops them- 
selves. By December 1st the corps was reported as consisting of 
550 effectives, and 18 days later this figure was increased to 580 
in Rivington's columns. That these statements were exaggera- 



12 



tions is conclusively shown by the muster rolls, according to which 
the highest number ever in the corps was 332 on April 12, 1783, 
when the King's American Dragoons were at Springfield, Long 
Island.^ Although most of the New Hampshire men who entered 
the King's service belonged to this regiment, a few are known to 
have joined other Loyalist corps. Thus, John Stinson of Hillsboro 
served for a period in the Royal American Reformers; Stephen 
Holland, probably from Londonderry, was a member of the Prince 
of Wales American Volunteers; Robert Robinson became an ensign 
in the Loyal American Regiment, and John Stark attained a lieu- 
tenancy in the Royal Guides and Pioneers. ^ 

At the termination of the war the refugees from New Hamp- 
shire were among the first of the American Loyalists to leave Long 
Island and New York for their new homes in Nova Scotia. In 
March, 1782, Captain Simon Baxter, whose escape to Burgoyne's 
army referred to earlier in this paper, arrived at Fort Howe at the 
mouth of the St. John River with his family was befriended by 
several persons of local importance, and recommended by them to 
the authorities in Halifax. Soon afterwards he received a grant 
of 5,000 acres in what is now the Parish of Norton, Kings County, 
New Brunswick. In the same year in which Mr. Baxter landed 
at Fort Howe a paper was circulated among the refugees at 
Lloyd's Neck and in Queen's County, Long Island, (probably at 
Springfield) to be signed by those approving the terms contained 
in the "articles of settlement" by which this paper was accom- 
panied. The terms suggested were that vessels should be provided 
by the British authorities at New York to convey the emigrants, 
together with their horses and cattle, to their destination; that 
clothing, farming implements, arms and ammunition, mill stones, 
medicines, and one year's supply of provisions should be furnished 
them, and that lands should be granted to them in the country to 
which they were going, including a sufficient acreage for the 
support of a church and a school. The authors of these articles 
of settlement were Lieutenant Colonel Thompson, Lieutenant 
Colonel Edward Winslow, Major Joshua Upham, who was now 

'Raymond, Winslow Papers, 51, 57, 69, 70; Winslow's Muster Rolls (in 
the possession of the N. B. Hist. Soc, St. John, N. B. ); Ellis, Life of Rumford, 
124, 125, 129, 131, 136, 139-141, 143. 

-'Sabine, Am. Loyalists, (1847) 570. 363, 6,30; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, 
Ont., Pt. 272. 

13 



commandant of Fort Franklin at Lloyd's Neck, and several others, 
including Samuel Cummings, Esq., of Hollis, New Hampshire. 
The articles received the general approval of General Sir Guy 
Carleton, who in a letter of September 22d solicited the assistance 
of the Governor of Nova Scotia for these refugees. Those who 
signified their intention of going numbered 177 men, 99 women, 
and 316 children. Nine transports were required for their convey- 
ance, and the Amphitrite and another of the king's frigates acted 
as convoys. On October 19th this fleet entered the Annapolis 
Basin but did not discharge its passengers until the following day, 
when Robert Briggs, the commander of the Amphitrite, who had 
treated the exiles under his care with generous consideration, even 
spending £200 of his own money to make them comfortable during 
the voyage was presented with an address of appreciation and 
thanks signed by Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings, Elijah 
Williams, and others.^ 

When this band of expatriated Americans arrived at their 
destination, Annapolis Royal was a mere hamlet of 120 inhab- 
itants, but already its two best educated, if not most serviceable, 
citizens were refugees from the States. One of these was Ben- 
jamin Snow, a graduate of Dartmouth College in New Hampshire, 
who had opened a grammar school in the village the preceding 
year, and the other was the Reverend Jacob Bailey, a graduate of 
Harvard College, who had but recently become the rector of St. 
Luke's Parish. In October, 1777, Mr. Bailey had managed to es- 
cape from Pownalsborough, Maine, to Boston, and later with his 
family to Halifax. Thence, in October, 1779, he removed to Corn- 
wallis where he remained as pastor of the Church of England 
until 1782, when he came to Annapolis. An eye-witness of the 
landing of this first concourse of his fellow-exiles, though the num- 
ber of them was much less than of those moving at different times 
during the following months, Mr. Bailey has depicted in various 
letters, written at the time, the severe experiences of Annapolis 
and its numerous guests. The more than 500 newcomers proved 
to be "a prodigious addition" to the population of the place, crowd- 
ing the houses and barracks beyond their utmost capacity, so that 

'Raymond, The River St. John, 506; N. B. Courier, Mar. 28, 1835; Rep. 
on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., Ill, 144, 159, 207; Savary, Hist, 
of the Co. of Annapolis Supplement, 36. 



many were unable to procure lodgings. Both the inhabitants and 
the soldiers were "lost among the strangers," who were "a mix- 
ture from every Province on the Continent except Georgia," not a 
few of them being "peeple of fashion." Mr. Bailey received into 
his own house the family of Mr. Cummings, and was told by this 
gentleman that another considerable fleet might be expected in 
three weeks and 2,000 more families in the spring. He learned 
' further that the Loyalists had come well supplied "with clothing 
and provisions for a twelve month, besides all instruments for 
husbandry," and that those who had belonged to what he called 
"the Gentlemen Volunteers" were receiving five shillings per day. 
The Whigs up the Annapolis River were so highly displeased with 
the arrival of the immigrants that they threatened to petition the 
government for their removal and one impecunious inhabitant pro- 
claimed himself ready to pay £50 towards their deportation.^ 

Before the withdrawal of these Loyalists from Long Island, 
Sir Guy Carleton had advised them to send agents to examine 
vacant lands for settlement. These agents, who were Amos Botsford, 
Samuel Cummings, and Frederick Hauser, hastened to Halifax 
with a letter from the Commander in Chief to Governor Parr, rec- 
ommending them to the latter's consideration as persons entitled on 
on every account to the grants of land they were seeking and 
such other advantages as had been promised by proclamation, or 
otherwise, to intending settlers. After a satisfactory interview 
with the Governor and the Surveyor General, Charles Morris, the 
agents returned and explored the country from Annapolis to St. 
Mary's Bay and then crossed the Bay of Fundy to the River St. 
John near the end of November, 1782. Finding the river impass- 
able for boats at this season of the year, they travelled on foot 
about 70 miles up-stream to the Oromocto and also went up the 
Kennecbeccasis. Returning to Annapolis, the agents wrote to 
friends in New ^ork, January 14, 1783, an account of their journey, 
in which they expressed a favorable opinion of the lands they had 
just viewed on the St. John, because these could be secured sooner 
than those near Annapolis, were sufficiently close to the cod fishery 

'Sabine, Am. Loyalists (1864) I, 201; Bartlet, Frontier Missionary, 191-193; 
Calnek and Savary, Co. of Annapolis, 604, 66-68; Polit. Magazine (London, 
Eng.), 1783; Campbell, Hist, of Nova Scotia, 170, 171; Rev. W. O. Raymond's 
Notebook (unpublished). Rev. J. Bailey to Thos. Robie, Oct. 19 1782, Rev. 
Bailey to Capt. Farrel, Oct. 21, 1782. 

15 



in the Bay of Fundy, and were secure against both the Americans 
and the Indians. They added that some of their associates were 
in favor of settHng on the St. John, while others preferred Conway 
(now Digby), but that for the winter all were settled, a part in the 
town of Annapolis, a part in the barracks, and a part up the An- 
napolis River for a distance of 20 miles under terms made with 
the inhabitants, and that while some were already doing well, the 
others had nothing to live on but their provisions.^ 

How many of the associated Loyalists at Annapolis settled on 
the St. John River is not known, but certainly some of the refugees 
from New Hampshire located in the region north of the Bay of 
Fundy. One of these was John Stinson of Hillsboro, who went to 
St. John in May, 1783, and became a grantee of the town, although 
he spent a year at Maugerville and lived later in Lincoln, Sunbury 
County. Captain John Cochran and John Holland also settled in 
St. John, the former being able to maintain the style of a gentle- 
man, while the latter was elected sheriff of the county. Lieutenant 
John Davidson, who served as deputy surveyor in the province for 
some years, settled in Dumfries, York County, and became a member 
of the House of Assembly in 1802. Hugh Ruinton of Londonderry 
took up his abode in the Province in 1783, and Solomon Stephens 
was a resident of Musquash at the time of his death in 1819.^ 

Although some of the King's American Dragoons accompanied 
the large party sailing for Annapolis about October 1, 1782, the 
greater part of the regiment did not leave New York for Nova 
Scotia until the following spring. Sir Guy Carleton mentions them 
in a letter of April 26 to Major General Paterson, in which he en- 
closed embarkation returns of the troops and refugees going to 
different parts of that province. In this letter he states that he 
had consented to the request of the Dragoons to be sent to St. 
John River, and that they were to proceed directly to that place. 
The corps did not arrive at its destination until the end of June, 
when it encamped on Lancaster Height just back of Carleton, and 
was employed in cutting and clearing the streets of the town that 
was rapidly forming. Colonel Edward Winslow, who saw them 

'Raymond, The River St. John, 510, 511; Murdoch. Hist, of Nova Scotia, 
III, 13-15; Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 46. 

-Second Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., Pt. I, 101, 272; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 
635, 216, 363; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 95, n.; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 551, 
631. 

i6 



engaged in this work, was impressed by their general cheerfulness 
and good humor, and noted that they were enjoying a great variety 
of what New Yorkers would call luxuries, such as partridges, wild 
pigeons, salmon, bass, and trout. However, these pleasures of the 
regiment were soon to be interrupted, for it was found that the 
men could not provide themselves with winter quarters where they 
were without serious inconvenience to the many Loyalists settling 
at the mouth' of the river. They were therefore ordered on August 
8 to proceed about 100 miles up the St. John to the land allotted 
them in the district assigned to the provincial regiments. The 
Dragoons were the first to settle here, their grant extending from 
Long's Creek, twenty miles above Frederiction, to the "Barony" 
at the mouth of the Pokiok, and being christened by them the 
township of Prince William, in honor of their royal patron, after- 
wards King William IV. It was not long before several officers of 
the corps became prominent in the affairs of New Brunswick. Thus, 
Major Joshua Upham attained a seat on the supreme bench, as did 
also Ward Chipman, the paymaster of the corps; Major Daniel 
Murray served some years as a member of the House of Assembly 
for York County and as a leading magistrate; Lieutenant John 
Davidson, a prominent land surveyor, also represented York County 
in the provincial legislature; Captain Jonathan Odell became the 
first provincial secretary and held the office for 28 years, and after 
him his son, William F. Odell, held the same post for 32 years; 
Surgeon Adino Paddock achieved an enviable reputation as a 
physician; Quartermaster Edward Sands became a leading merchant 
of the City of St. John, and Cornet Arthur Nicholson commanded 
the garrison at Presquisle.^ 

Ex-Governor Wentworth returned from England to Halifax, 
September 20, 1783, to take up the duties of surveyor general of 
the King's woods in Nova Scotia at a salary of £800 a year and an 
allowance of a guinea a day while in actual service. It was 
reported at the time that his family would follow him in the 
spring. For the next nine years Mr. Wentworth was chiefly 
occupied in travelling about the Province and preventing the 
cutting of timber on the royal preserves, as also the unlicensed 

'Report on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., IV, 55; Raymond.Wins- 
low Papers. 102, 123, 183; Raymond, The Dispatch of Woodstock, N. B., Nov. 
28. 1906. 



felling of pine trees which where suitable for masts, whether on 
granted or ungranted lands, since these were destined for the use 
of the British navy. Toward the close of 1784 he appointed 
Benjamin Marston to be his deputy in New Brunswick. In March, 
1792, the ex-Governor was again in London. During this visit 
he was knighted and also appointed to succeed Mr. Parr as lieu- 
tenant governor of Nova Scotia. On his return to Halifax, May 
12, he was welcomed by the civil and military authorities of the 
Province and was sworn into office two days later. He continued 
to administer the government of Nova Scotia for 16 years, being 
retired in April, 1808, on the arrival of Sir George Prevost. In 
the following month the Assembly voted him £500 sterling per 
annum as a pension for life, in compliance with the wishes of the 
King, who announced his intention of making additional provision 
for the declining days of his faithful servant. Sir John and Lady 
Wentworth now took up their residence at the Prince's Lodge 
near Halifax, and continued to live there, except while absent in 
England in 1810 and 1811, until Sir John's death, April 8, 1820, 
in his 84th year.^ 

In view of the fact that Amos Botsford accepted a commission 
from Governor Parr as soliciting agent for Conway, and together 
with 300 others received a patent for a township comprising 
100,000 acres at the southern end of the Annapolis Basin, it is prob- 
able that a number of Botsford's associates participated in set- 
tling this locality. Manyof the patentees, however, had entered the 
Province since the arrival of the first association (or in June, 1783), 
and as the vessels that brought them to Conway — seven in num- 
ber — had been supplied by Rear Admiral Robert Digby, the new- 
comers interceded with the government to change the name of the 
township to Digby, and the patent contained a clause carrying their 
desire into effect. Among the names appearing in this document, 
which was dated February 20, 1784, are those of several men al- 
ready familiar to us as refugees from New Hampshire, namely, 
Thomas Cummings, Josiah Jones, Enos and Phineas Stevens, and 
Elijah Williams. In keeping with the resolution of the patentees 
to erect a town. Deputy Surveyor Thomas Milledge laid out a plot 
containing about 70 acres, and lots were drawn by the settlers 

'Raymond, Winslow Papers, 133, 134, 258, n., 388, 389, 391, 394, 615, n., 
632, 646, 656, 663; Murdoch, Hist, of Nova Scotia, III, 277, 281-283. 



under the supervision of Surveyors Milledge and John Harris of 
Annapolis and Amos Botsford in his capacity as agent for the 
colonists. Meantime, the Reverend Edward W. Brudenell, Rich- 
ard Hill, and John Stump had been appointed to act with Mr. 
Botsford as a land board, and this board located the other settlers 
regardless of necessary formalities, except in assigning the num- 
bers of their respective lots. The colonists labored throughout 
the summer in clearing away the forest and erecting log houses, 
or in some instances houses built with oak frames that had been 
brought from the States. A few of the log structures were after- 
wards enlarged, covered with boards and shingles, and survived 
for more than a century.^ 

But although Digby sprang into existence during the year 
1783, many of the- Loyalists in the neighborhood were reported, 
September 16, 1784, as being still unsettled "on account of the negli- 
gent and dilatory conduct of those appointed to lay out lands for 
them." Fully one-third of the persons named in the Botsford grant 
failed to occupy their lots. Others who were not included in the 
patent were nevertheless assigned lands, or went upon them with- 
out authority, even including the common and the glebe. When 
complaints were made against this illegal procedure, the squatters 
promptly made demands for allotments. While this contention 
was in progress a British man-of-war, which had been despatched 
with provisions and implements for the colony, was detained by 
adverse winds, and the settlers were brought to the verge of star- 
vation on account of the smallness of the season's crops. During 
the disturbances that followed a discharged officer, who had done 
much in promoting the settlement and was both a deputy land 
surveyor and a justice of the peace, was charged with disloyal acts 
by the puisne judges before the Governor and the Council, and suf- 
fered the loss of his justiceship, June 16, 1785. An extensive out- 
break was avoided only by the wise management of certain officials 
and the timely arrival of the delayed supplies. But sufficient harm 
had already been done to cause many of the best residents to re- 
move from Digby. Some of these returned to the States, while 
others removed to Granville farther up the Annapolis Basin, or 
crossed the Bay of Fundy to St. John. A few went to Weymouth, 
which lies on the east side of St. Mary's Bay about seventeen miles 
•Wilson Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 52, 48. 49, 50, 64, 65. 

19 



south of Digby, among these being Enos and Phineas Stevens and 
Josiah Jones who, as we have seen, had come originally from New 
Hampshire. 1 

The departure of these dissatisfied ones only complicated, in- 
stead of relieving, the situation, for they neglected to dispose of 
their shares in the township, and left their unimproved lots to be 
occupied and cultivated by others having no legal title to them. 
The increasing difficulties of the problem were brought to the at- 
tention of the provincial House of Assembly, April 2, 1795, by sev- 
eral grantees of the township, who urged that commissioners be 
appointed to look into the question, on account of the injury that 
the settlement was suffering through continued expense and litiga- 
tion. Two days later a bill was introduced to quiet the possession 
of lands within the township. For some reason, which is not 
stated in the official records, action was deferred until the next 
session, when a new bill was presented, but with no better success. 
In June, 1798, the inhabitants of Digby petitioned the Council, and 
a commission of inquiry was appointed. However, this body so 
far failed in its duty that a new appeal was presented in October, 
and a second board of commissioners was named, and was given 
power to employ a clerk and one or more deputy surveyors "at the 
expense of those immediately interested." This board took ample 
time to accomplish its task with thoroughness, and at length sub- 
mitted a report recommending that the landholders, whether claim- 
ing by grant or occupancy, be considered actual owners, and that a 
new patent, or "grant of confirmation," be immediately issued as- 
signing to the 276 real estate proprietors, then residents of Digby 
Township, the tracts held by them respectively. This report be- 
came the text of the proposed grant, and on January 31, 1801, was 
signed by Sir John Wentworth as lieutenant governor and coun- 
tersigned by Benning Wentworth as secretary of the Province of 
Nova Scotia. Thus, after 17 years, during which Digby had re- 
mained at a standstill in population, the inhabitants of the town 
were freed from their burden of suspense, and given the legal as- 
surance that the lands which they had cleared and tilled were their 
own. It is, of course, obvious that the grievances of people of 
Digby did not receive just treatment until they came before the 

'Raymond, Winslow Papers, 189; Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S.. 
76, 77, 75. 



Council of the Province, and it is worthy of note that the "grant 
of confirmation" bears the official signatures of two distinguished 
LoyaHsts from New Hampshire, who were fully able to appreciate 
the sad plight in which their fellow refugees at Digby had long 
been placed by force of circumstances, i 

Not a few of the founders of Digby were educated men, 
while others possessed no more than an ordinary education, or only 
the rudiments of knowledge. Among their number was William 
Barbancks, who is said to have been "a worthy and competent 
tutor," and soon began to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic 
to the children of the scattered settlement, although he was under 
the necessity of going from one homestead to another for the 
purpose. As Mr. Barbancks was induced to remove to Gulliver's 
Cove before long, the colonists engaged the services of Lieutenant 
James Foreman, a graduate of a high school in England, who 
opened a "superior school" early in November, 1784, in his own 
dwelling, with an enrollment of 75 pupils. During the summers 
of 1785 and 1786, Mr. Foreman also conducted a class in the 
Anglican catechism and selections from the Scriptures. The need 
for more commodious quarters led to the erection of a schoolhouse 
in 1789, by voluntary subscriptions. This building, which was 
fitted with long desks for both elementary and senior pupils and a 
brick furnace, remained the center of education for the residents 
of the county until the establishment of an academy at Digby. ^ 

The first religious service held in the new settlement was in 
1783, when the Reverend Edward W. Brudenell delivered a sermon. 
About two years later the Reverend Jacob Bailey came over from 
Annapolis and conducted worship in the house of one ot the resi- 
dents. As the Loyalists of Digby and its vicinity were Episcopal- 
ians, and had now made considerable progress with their settlement, 
they held their first vestry meeting, September 29, 1785, elected 
officers, and instructed their church wardens to petition the Gov- 
ernor to establish the limits of a parish to be called Trinity Parish. 
The name which they suggested is reminiscent of the fact that 
many of the pioneers had been members of Trinity Church in New 
York City, under the ministrations of the Reverend Charles Inglis, 
D. D. Governor Parr fixed the boundaries of the parish, March 3, 

'Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 77-81, 111. 
-Ibid., 92, 93. 



1786, and before many months had passed a church was built by 
local subscriptions, aided by an appropriation from the provincial 
fund for building and repairing established churches, and a gener- 
ous contribution from Admiral Digby, who also presented a bell. 
This structure and the adjoining burial ground were consecrated 
by Dr. Inglis, who was now bishop of Nova Scotia, July 31, 1788.^ 

It will have been noted that New Hampshire's treatment of 
the Tory element in her population was relatively moderate. She 
permitted Loyalists to leave the State, and indeed by the resolu- 
tion of January 16, 1777, she encouraged them to go, but she did 
not expel them, and many of them remained. Those who did go, 
however, were forbidden to return by the act of November, 1778. 
The ultimate success of the Revolutionists does not seem to have 
changed their opinion of their absentee brethren. In the spring 
of 1783, the town of Hollis voted to instruct its representatives 
against permitting the return of the refugees or the restoration of 
"their forfeited estates." About a year later Elijah Williams put 
in his appearance at Keene, and was promptly bound over to the 
court of sessions at Charlestown, which ordered him to leave the 
State as soon as he had transacted his business. After settling 
his affairs Williams departed for Nova Scotia, but he was not long 
in finding his way back to Deerfield in consequence of ill health, 
and there he died.^ 

Some of the non-jurors who had remained within the borders 
of the State during the war were as unforgiving as the Revolu- 
tionists, and showed no inclination to become reconciled to the 
outcome of the war. A notable instance of this sort is disclosed 
by the petition of Ebenezer Rice and Lieutenant Benjamin Tyler, 
March 4, 1784, to Governor General Haldimand at Quebec, request- 
ing permission for their own and 46 other families of Claremont 
to settle on Lake Memphremagog, or on the west bank of the 
Connecticut River. They explained that they had always been 
loyal subjects of King George III, were members of the Church of 
England, but were "overburdened with Usurpation, Tyrene, and 
opression from the Hands of Violent Men," who had used every 
art to include them among the proscribed in the late Revolution, 

'Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 88, 87, 89, 90. 

-Worcester, The Town of Hollis, N. H., in the War of the Rev. (a reprint 
from the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., July, 1876); Colls. N. H. Hist. Soc. II, 
134, 135. 



and that they were therefore impatient to find an asylum in their 
"Royal Master's Dominion." They hoped that after those who 
had been meritorious in service should be provided for, their own 
petition might receive favorable consideration. Not content to de- 
pend solely on a written plea, the petitioners sent Captain Benjamin 
Summer to Quebec with a letter for Surveyor General Samuel 
Holland from the clerk wardens and vestrymen of their church 
begging his assistance in favor of their request. It is interesting 
to note that the list of 48 names submitted with the petition con- 
tains a number that also appear among those of the non-jurors of 
Claremont, May 30, 1776.1 

The lapse of more time was needed to remove the antipathies 
of the past, and in the case of James Sheafe of Portsmouth, who 
had suffered imprisonment for his Toryism, a complete restora- 
tion to popular favor occurred, for in 1802 Mr. Sheafe was elected 
a United States senator from New Hampshire, and fourteen years 
later he came within 2,000 votes of being chosen governor of the 
State. 2 

iHaldimand Papers, B. 175. pp. 251, 253-255; N. H. State Papers, Docs., 
and Records from 1776 to 1783, VIII, 218-220. 
-McClinntock, Hist, of N. H., 510, 511. 



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